Introduction, Purpose, Definitions and Terminology
Timelines: Jewish and Gentile Writings and Thought
Eliminating Potential Sources of Complex Monotheism
Was Jewish Complex Monotheism Borrowed from the Greeks?
The Hebrew Bible Teaches Complex Monotheism - Part 1
The Hebrew Bible Teaches Complex Monotheism - Part 2
Complex Monotheism after the Close of the Hebrew Bible
Philo Affirms Complex Monotheism in Pre-rabbinic Judaism
Criteria of Biblical Monotheism, Christianity & Pre-Rabbinic Judaism
New Testament Christianity as a Sect of Judaism
When Was Complex Monotheism First Rejected?
Simple & Complex Monotheism before the Rabbinic Period
What Separates Biblical Judaism & New Testament Christianity?
God's Sovereign Choice of Abraham & His Offspring
Summary, Conclusions, and Implications
The Criteria for Maintaining or Violating Biblical Monotheism and New Testament Christianity within the Context of Pre-Rabbinic Judaism
As we have seen, in the world of pre-rabbinic (and even
early rabbinic) Judaism, monotheism was not defined as the rejection of
multiple, simultaneously-existing, hypostatic, personal manifestations of YHWH.
In his book, Two Powers in Heaven, Segal
explains that prior to the middle of the second century AD the determining
factor used by Judaism to identify a violation of monotheism was the belief
that the divine persons were truly independent and contrary authorities.
From our study of
tannaitic times it has become clear that Samaritans, Christians and other
sectarians were grouped together and
condemned in rabbinic heresiological writings and in liturgical ordinances because there was a phenomenological
similarity between them from the rabbinic perspective: they all compromised
monotheism by positing more than one authority in heaven. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p. 153
All of this strongly suggests that various Gnostic ideas
ultimately go back to Jewish heterodox
traditions where they may or may not have been heretical in nature. The opposing configuration
of deities insure that at least two (perhaps many) independent deities
were present. Therefore it seems clear that the rabbis would have considered it
heretical. When the powers were complementary – as they seem to be in the
apocalyptic literature of the first century, in some of the Gnostic and much of
the Christian literature – the independence of the second power is a moot
question. It is often possible that
the later traditions in heretical literature are the survivals of heterodox but
not necessarily heretical exegesis, brought into new context. – Alan F.
Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p.
250-251
In the quotes below Segal remarks about a Talmudic
discussion concerning the angel Gabriel. Relevant to our study is Segal’s
explanation that no violation of monotheism occurred if the figure in question
was not considered to be a separate power independent of or contrary to YHWH.
Elsewhere, R. Hilfi (PA 2) the son of Samkai, reports that
R. Judah (PA 2) felt the repetition meant that divine punishment was carried
out by the angel Gabriel. While Gabriel
was not considered a separate, independent power by the rabbis, the tradition
attests to the existence of exegeses which allowed the tetragrammaton
to signify a being other than Israel’s one God. Obviously that very doctrine
was enough to worry the rabbis. Though this midrash
does not mention “two powers,” it involves a concept coming perilously close to
that heresy, stopping only before the
overt postulation of separate authority. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p. 130-131
R. Isaac gives an example of heretical belief, testifying
that some people alleged that Michael and Gabriel were associations of God in
creation. God may have created the middle, but each angel created other parts
of the firmament. By means of a double entendre, R. Isaac uses Ps. 44:24 to ask
the rhetorical question: “Who was associated with me in the creation of the world?”
The answer, of course, is that no one, not even an archangel was given such an
honor. This unnamed doctrine seems
related to the Gabriel, Michael and Metatron speculation discussed previously.
However, other elaborate angelologies may have been involved, for beliefs in
angelic mediation were commonplace throughout Judaism. What is dangerous, of
course, is the notion that some principal angel could be said to usurp God’s
independent power. – Alan F. Segal, Two
Powers in Heaven, p. 137
In the quotes below, Segal discusses pre-rabbinic and
rabbinic traditions about the “angel of YHWH,” the Logos/Word/Memra, and the
“shekhinah.” As he repeatedly stresses, these types of Jewish conceptions of
divine, hypostatic persons were only considered to be heretical when and if
they were viewed as independent beings separate from God with their own
authority.
From our study of
tannaitic times it has become clear that Samaritans, Christians and other
sectarians were grouped together and condemned in rabbinic heresiological
writings and in liturgical ordinances because
there was a phenomenological similarity between them from the rabbinic
perspective: they all compromised monotheism by positing more than one
authority in heaven. – Alan F. Segal, Two
Powers in Heaven, p. 153
Real traditions of a
“second God” were present in Judaism as early as the time of Philo. Though the rabbis are opposed to the whole
notion, Philo seems only to be opposed to the naïve forms of the belief.
(Footnote 14: Italics added, Quest. In
Gen. ii¸ 62 Philo Suppliment I, p. 150, tr. R.
Marcus. Eusebius (P.E. VII, 13, 1) credits
Philo with the term “second God,” denoting the logos. – Alan F. Segal, Two
Powers in Heaven, p. 163-164
Philo understood the
descriptions of the “angel of YHWH” in scripture, together with other passages
which the rabbis found dangerous, as references to the logos or one of the two principal powers of God. Based on Philonic
evidence, we should expect traditions about mediator and principal angels to
appear in other writings contemporary to Philo. However, the variety of
conceptions about mediators and principal angels in intertestamental documents
can only be summarized with difficulty, for the characteristics and names of
the mediator differ widely in each document, suggesting that no single
consistent myth underlies the whole…Certainly
not all the figures related to the scriptures under consideration can be
automatically included in the heresy. For
instance, we have already seen that many angels and mediators appear in rabbinic
literature where they add color to midrashic stories but where they could not
be considered heretical….To start with, these general considerations help us
remove some obvious phenomena from consideration as heresy. Memra, yekara and shekhinah are used in the targumim and midrash
in reference to the dangerous passages to denote the presence of God. But they
are never clearly defined as independent creatures. It rather appears that rabbinic concepts of memra, shekhina, yekara avoid the implications of independent
divinity and possibly are meant to combat them. We also know that Philo even
saw “the Word” or logos as an angel.
But there is nothing inherently heretical about such descriptions. It may be
anachronistic to apply second century rabbinic categories of heresy to earlier
phenomena. The best we can say is that ideas like this might have been seen as
heretical in some contexts. More importantly they certainly formed the
background out of which heresy arose. Of
course from the survey of rabbinic documents and Philo, we know that the
judgment that a particular conception of mediation violated the canons of
monotheism was also partly a matter of individual opinion. Philo could even use the phrase “second
God” to describe the logos without
thinking that he had violated the monotheistic basis of his religion….Clearly
some of the same issues which Philo discussed were important in first century
Palestine as well… – Alan F. Segal, Two
Powers in Heaven, p. 182-183
Obviously then, it is
not the tradition itself which defines the heresy but the treatment of the
angelic figure or hypostasis as an independent deity. We have no evidence
that the early heresy involved a feminine manifestation of God. We know from the rabbinic texts that some
of the beliefs which the rabbis opposed explicitly involved an angel whose
function was to guide the believer and who carries, contains, or possesses the
divine name (Ex. 23:21 f.). Again, not every belief of this sort will
be heretical. But as a preliminary field for inquiry in the intertestamental period, it is reasonable to look among the
variety of angelic mediators for some evidence of the kind of beliefs which the
rabbis called “two powers” heresy. The
idea of a separate hypostasis of the divinity must be functionally equivalent
to being an angelic presence. Because of the complexity of the phenomenon, only
the broadest outlines can be suggested. Nor will it always be possible to
define a sectarian belief as heresy….But it is possible to show that both
inside and outside of the rabbinic community, the existence of a principal
angelic creature did not seem to be at issue; rather, it was the identity, title and function of the second figure that
occupied apocalyptic and mystical Jews’ imagination. Among that figure’s characteristics we should be especially interested
in any that would have impressed the rabbis as compromising monotheism. A
staggering variety of angelic mediators developed during this period… –
Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p. 186-188
While the evidence abounds for the existence of dangerous
scriptural traditions there is not much
evidence that angelic or hypostatic creatures were considered independent
enough to provide definite targets for the “two powers” polemic. Of course, our
knowledge of first century Judaism is quite limited. In the extreme Gnostic systems, where the power with the Hebrew name
opposed a higher power, the heresy is clear. But we have no solid evidence that such systems existed in apocalyptic
literature before the early second century…But we cannot altogether dismiss the
possibility that some apocalyptic groups posited an independent power as early
as the first century or that other groups, among them the predecessors of the
rabbis, would have called them heretics. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p. 200-201
As indicated in the quotes above, in the quotes below Sommer
and Segal further clarify that the objection against independent authority was
not necessarily applicable to Jewish sects that did not view the hypostatic
persons of God as separate beings with independent authority and contrary
intentions. It is important to notice that both authors include Christians
among Jewish sects who did not violate ancient Judaism’s concept of monotheism
because they did not believe in separate deities.
Since we know from the previous passage that “two powers”
referred to Christians and not extreme Gnostics, we have to conclude that “two powers” was a catch-all term for many
different groups – including Christians, Gnostics, and Jews…The rabbis are saying that many varieties of Jewish sects –
including Christians and Gnostics – are
guilty of violating an essential premise of Judaism, even while they think they
are exegeting scripture correctly…Although the designation is apt from the
rabbinic perspective it is also exaggerated from the Christian one. In fact, neither apocalyptic, mystical, nor Christianized Judaism
affirmed two separate deities. Each understood itself to be monotheistic,
giving special emphasis to one divine hypostasis or manifestation. – Alan
F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p.
58-59
The Persistence of
the Fluidity Model – …the notions of
divine fluidity and multiple embodiment, these notions did not simply vanish. On
the contrary, they recur in rabbinic literature, in various forms of Jewish
mysticism, and in Christianity….What I intend to do here is merely to give a
sense of how postbiblical literatures give witness to the notion of a single
God whose manifestations take action on their own without becoming sufficiently
independent to impugn the oneness of that God. – Benjamin D. Sommer, The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel, p. 126
Because first-century, Jewish sects (like Christians) did
not view hypostatic persons of God as independent authorities (or as separate
beings), Segal states that there is no guarantee that such groups would have
been considered to be heretics due to the fact that they may not have been actually
violating the Jewish concept of monotheism. In the second quote below, Segal
cites the Jewish-Christian Apostle Paul’s letters (in the New Testament) as an
example of first-century Jewish writing that did not compromise the existing
Jewish idea of monotheism.
Given these ambiguities in Christian traditions, do we have any guarantee that Christians
were more susceptible to the charge of “two powers” than other apocalyptic
groups? Previously, we have seen
that it was difficult to know on the basis of apocalyptic thought alone whether
any apocalyptic angelology or doctrine of mediation could have been found
offensive to monotheism. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p. 216
In a sense, it is no surprise to see so many of the themes
of the “two powers” controversy show up in Christianity. We should expect to find Christians seek out “two powers” exegesis.
What is surprising is that both sides of the argument show up. Paul can argue
that some Jews compromise monotheism, even while maintaining that he does not.
Apparently, even with Christianity the “two powers” controversy was evidenced. This suggests that some Christians were certainly guilty of “two powers”
speculation, that others were accused of it but might have thought the charge
untrue, and that still others might not have been charged at all. Having
found certain evidence that Christianity was involved in “two powers” polemic
in the first century, we have discovered that traditions which we saw for the first time in rabbinic literature of
the second century already existed in the first century. But what is the guarantee that Jews of the
first century would have reacted in the same way as the second century rabbis
towards these apocalyptic and Christian concepts of mediation? Perhaps they
would have taken a more tolerant attitude toward these ideas of mediation as
Philo did even while maintaining strict adherence to law and monotheism.
Perhaps the term “two powers” is anachronistic as applied to the first century.
After all, not all kinds of Christianity can be said even to be guilty of the
crime. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in
Heaven, p. 215
In fact, Segal notes that the earliest rabbinic objections
contain no distinct identification of Christians. While Segal believes that
Christians should be included in the larger category identified by the rabbis, Segal
notes that Christians are not actually identified as violating the existing
criteria for biblical, Jewish monotheism.
Although the best candidates for the heresy, both on
internal and external evidence, are Christian there is no distinctively anti-Christian polemic at first. Therefore we should continue to assume that
the Christians were but one of a number of apocalyptic or mystical groups who
posited a primary angelic helper for God. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p. 262
The book of Acts
shows stresses that Christian evangelism began in the synogogues and
expanded as the Jews rejected it. The
Christian documents do not go into detail about the rabbinic grounds for the
rejection. I feel the rabbinic evidence examined in this study clarifies
the issue. It shows us that the rabbis
opposed any group which emphasized a primary mediator. Christians were probably
not uniquely condemned for there is nothing uniquely anti-Christian in the
polemic. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers
in Heaven, p. 155
As we have seen, Christianity did not have a particularly
unique concept of God when considered among the Jewish sects of that period. We
already know that the critical issue for establishing heresy involved the
potential independent authority of the hypostatic persons of God.
However, we have also seen that early Jews and Christians
who believed in a multiplicity of God’s personhood didn’t actually exhibit the
kind of independence that later rabbinic texts were concerned with. Therefore,
even if we use the standards articulated by the rabbis, Jewish and Christian
sects which did not posit a separation and independence among the divine
hypostatic persons of YHWH cannot appropriately be considered heretics or
violators of Jewish monotheism. Consequently, in the quote below Segal begins
by acknowledging that there is room for debate concerning whether certain
groups, such as Christians, actually compromised monotheism, even if the rabbis
placed them into the very broad category of “two powers” sects. Moreover, Segal
concludes by stating that only “some kinds” of Christianity could be considered
“two powers” heretics. In between, Segal notes that the beliefs of Christianity
concerning the Godhead were quite similar to a good number of other Jewish
sects of that period. Such remarks make it less and less likely that
Christianity can be deemed out of the norm of Jewish monotheism.
But since there is no
uniquely anti-Christian theme in the rabbinic attack, we cannot conclude
that Christians were the only offending group. One may disagree as to whether or when these groups began to compromise
monotheism, which was the force of the rabbinic criticism, since many
different positions within Judaism defended themselves with “two powers”
arguments. But the terminology itself is apt, because it tells us the
categories in which the development of Christianity was seen. It tells us that Christianity was probably one of a
number of similar sects. It may have been unique in that it identified a
messianic candidate with the manlike figure in heaven who was going to judge
the world. It may also have been unique to identify a contemporary rather than
a hero of the past with an angelic being. But the theme was not, insofar as
anyone can prove, the Christian application of a redeemer myth of a single,
Gnostic pre-existent, divine savior who was going to descend to the earth, save
those who received him, and reascend to heaven. Rather Christianity was one
among a plethora of different sects with similar scriptural traditions. The
single Gnostic pattern, if there is one, seems to be a rather sophisticated
re-understanding of the Christian model.
To summarize, the one sectarian movement within Judaism about which we have
considerable evidence is Christianity. There is warrant to believe that “two
powers” heresy was manifested in some kinds of Christianity in the first
century. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers
in Heaven, p. 218
Furthermore, the fact that New Testament writers did not
intend to contradict the oneness of God is generally acknowledged by scholars.
Trinity – Neither the word Trinity nor the explicit
doctrine appears in the New Testament, nor did Jesus and his followers intend
to contradict the Shema in the Old Testament: “Hear, O Israel: The Lord our God is one Lord”
(Deuteronomy 6:4). – Encyclopedia Britannica
The second-century, Christian writer Theophilus did not
believe in two separate divine beings. Rather, he insisted that there was only
one God even though he expressed the Jewish belief in multiple, hypostatic
divine persons. In keeping with existing Jewish traditions, Theophilus
identified one of the hypostatic persons as the Logos on the basis of the first
chapter of John’s Gospel, which teaches that the Word (Logos) was God and yet
was with God (distinct from God somehow.) Furthermore, like Philo and the
Targums, Theophilus speaks of the Logos of God. Theophilus’ use of the Logos is
derived from the first chapter of John’s Gospel in which the Logos (or Word) is
identified as God and also with God and as the creator of all things. Parallels
to Philo are at this point apparent. Additional similarity to Philo is seen in
Theophilus assertion of the existence of the Logos and his agency in creating
while at the same time concluding that this did not mean that two different
gods existed or that two different gods were involved in creation.
Several traditions
corresponding to the rabbinic ones are found in another second century church
father, Theophilus of Antioch. His relationship with midrashic traditions has been noticed before,
but no conclusions have previously been drawn about his relationship to the
“two powers” controversy. He too uses
Christ as equivalent to logos, on the
basis of John 1, but he uses several interesting scriptural quotations to
prove his point. He witnesses to the traditions we saw in Philo in which the logos is described as God’s
“place:”…Traditions like this which have Philonic antecedents may well be the
kind of doctrine opposed by use of the tradition about Ishmael and Akiba….Theophilus also opposes the idea that two
different gods were involved in creation….To combat such heresies, Theophilus
even relies on polemic familiar from rabbinic tradition to show that while God
may do His work through His logos manifestation,
there is only one, unique God responsible for all divine actions….” Many powers in heaven” were heretical to
both the church fathers and the rabbis. And, if church fathers shared the “many
powers” polemic with the rabbis, they must have been aware of the charge of
“two powers” as well. – Alan F. Segal, Two
Powers in Heaven, p. 225-227
Like Theophilus, the second-century, Christian apologist
Irenaeus also insisted that though there was more than one person of YHWH (the
Father and Christ the Lord) there is only one, true God.
However, when
Irenaeus defends Christianity against the Marcionite Gnostics, he himself uses
“two powers” traditions. Jesus came from the Father, being foretold by the
prophets in the following verses Ps. 110:1, Gen. 19:24, Ps. 45:7, Ps. 82:1 and
Ps. 50:1. By quoting these passages he
tries to show that the Old Testament made mention of both Christ (as Lord) and
Father (as God) – though, at the same time, uniquely one true God. – Alan
F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p.
228
Elsewhere in his writings, Irenaeus explains that the Father
and Son are one with each other. In his conception they were not two separate
beings with independent authority. We should note that like his Jewish
predecessors and Gentile contemporaries (including Justin Martyr and
Theophilus,) Ireneaus derives and defends his beliefs from the Hebrew Bible.
But Jos. 22:22 has
exactly the same string of divine names, as Ps. 50:1 – El, Elohim, YHWH – so it
is equally likely to have been used as proof of plurality. Notice that Irenaeus uses the passage
merely to prove that the Son is one with the Father. He could do this because
the Greek translation of the psalm used a genitive plural to translate one name
of God (Theos Theon Kyrios) making a
total of two figures. The rabbis, writing later, have heard the implication
of three different aspects of deity as dangerous. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p. 228-229
Segal explains that the views expressed by these
second-century, Gentile Christians has historical precedent in first-century
Judaism. Yet, Segal identifies Christian beliefs with Hellenistic Judaism.
Of particular interest is the relationship of the angelic
figure to early Christology. Perhaps angelic christologies will turn out to be
more important to the thought of the first century than the New Testament leads
us to believe….It has often seemed
plausible that a Hellenistic Judaism, like Philo’s but less sophisticated was
the background for Justin’s and Theophilus’ writing. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p. 266
However, as we have seen, the presence of Complex Monotheism
was present in Judaism well before the Hellenistic Period as well as in
non-Hellenistic Jewish groups after the rise of Greek philosophical religion.
Furthermore, as Segal and Sommer have both repeatedly observed, Complex
Monotheistic beliefs among Jews and Christians are traced to passages in the
Hebrew Bible itself. Therefore, while is true that we find Complex Monotheistic
Jewish sects during the Hellenistic Period (the fourth century BCE
through the second century CE), it is not accurate to identify these beliefs as
the result of incorporating Hellenistic religious ideas.
Segal offers the later-dating Gnostic view in contrast to
the Christian views expressed by Paul and second-century writers. The Gnostics,
whose system of teachings emerged after the Complex Monotheism within
Jewish-Christian groups, are an example of heretical teaching violating
monotheism for positing contrary, independent divine authorities. Segal
explains that the heretical belief of the Gnostics probably developed and
diverged from earlier, non-heretical Jewish traditions in which the multiple,
hypostatic figures were complementary.
Therefore the evidence is that opposition to Christian
exegesis preceded opposition to extreme Gnostic exegesis. In this case, the key factor in separating radical
Gnosticism from earlier exegesis is the negative portrayal of the demiurge.
Whenever the second figure in heaven is negative, we are dealing with a
radically Gnostic system. Not until then can we say definitively that a Gnostic
heresy is present. In all the earliest traditions, the second figure is always
seen as a complementary figure, suggesting the notion of a divine helper who
carried God’s name is the basic concept which developed into heresy, not a
redeemed redeemer. – Alan F. Segal, Two
Powers in Heaven, p. 262
Beginning with the New Testament period (circa 30-100 AD)
early Christian beliefs were at home within Jewish traditions. Though there
were differences related to the full nature of the Messiah’s work and the
particular identification of the Messiah, like the Bar Kokhba revolt, early
Christianity was a Jewish messianic movement.
Ante-Nicene Period
– First century Christianity possessed a
basic cohesion based on the Pauline church movement, Jewish character, and self-identification as a messianic movement...
wikipedia.org
Premillennialism –
The concept of…earthly messianic kingdom at the Messiah's coming was not an
invention of Christianity. Instead it was a theological interpretation
developed within the apocalyptic literature of early Judaism.... – wikipedia.org
Bar Kokhba –
Enraged by these measures, the Jews
rebelled in 132, the dominant and irascible figure of Simeon bar Kosba at
their head. Reputedly of Davidic
descent, he was hailed as the Messiah by the greatest rabbi of the time, Akiva
ben Yosef, who also gave him the title Bar Kokhba (“Son of the Star”), a messianic allusion. – Britannica.com
The earliest Christian texts (including the New Testament
itself) are part of vast tradition of pre-rabbinic, Jewish messianic and
apocalyptic literature.
The Apostolic Fathers
- According to conventional reckoning, the earliest examples of patristic
literature are the writings of the so-called Apostolic Fathers; the name derives from their supposed contacts with
the Apostles or the apostolic community…They all belong to the late 1st or early 2nd century and were all to a greater or lesser extent
influenced…by the profoundly Jewish
atmosphere that pervaded Christian thinking and practice at this primitive
stage...Almost all the Apostolic Fathers throw light on primitive doctrine
and practice…But the real key to the
theology of the Apostolic Fathers, which also explains its often curious
imagery, is that it is Jewish-Christian
through and through, expressing
itself in categories derived from latter-day Judaism and apocalyptic literature (depicting the intervention of God in
history in the last times) – Encyclopedia Britannica
It was only after several centuries that Christian theology
began to exhibit non-Jewish tendencies as it became adapted to Hellenistic
culture culminating in the fourth century under figures such as Constantine and
Augustine.
Patristic Literature –
The ante-Nicene period – During the
first three centuries of its existence the Christian Church had first to emerge
from the Jewish environment that had cradled it and then come to terms with the
predominantly Hellenistic (Greek) culture surrounding it. – Encyclopedia
Britannica
But the well-documented presence of Complex Monotheism
within pre-rabbinic Judaism demonstrates that Christian Complex Monotheism (the
Trinity) was not an invention of fourth century sources such as Constantine,
the council of Nicaea, or
Augustine. On the contrary, the Hebrew Bible, the New Testament, Jewish
sectarian literature from across the spectrum of the greater Jewish religious
community, and the Ante-Nicene Church Fathers demonstrate that Complex
Monotheism was a well-established Jewish and Christian doctrine more than three
centuries before the time of Constantine.
In fact, in the first and early-second centuries AD, the
Jewish-Christian sect remained closely related to the rabbinic sect. Many of
the beliefs that today distinguish modern rabbinic Judaism from Christianity
were not yet established in early, second-century rabbinic communities. (The same
can be said of many of the doctrines and practices of the modern Christian
church. For a fairly concise study of this topic please see our articles on the
History of the Early Church.)
Through the early second century AD, Christianity and rabbinic Judaism
developed in tandem with one another using similar terms and similar arguments
against those who posited independent divine hypostases. As we will see, this
relationship continued until the rabbinic authorities developed new definitions
of orthodoxy which excluded Jews and Jewish-Christians for belief in Complex
Monotheism.
This is a special
example of the inter-relationship between Christian and Jewish communities
because Dt. 32 is especially important to the rabbinic polemic against “two
powers.”…It may even be the case that the church’s usage contributed to the
evolution of standard terminology within Judaism. The exegetical issue
dates from the first century but the terminology was standardized in this
context. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in
Heaven, p. 242
[Based on discussion of the Pseudo-Clementine literature] Though the method of definition differs,
the basic identification by both Jews and Jewish Christians of sectarian groups
(rather than gentile nonbelievers) is good evidence that both the rabbis and
the Jewish Christians are dealing with similar opponents and the same
traditions. – Alan F. Segal, Two
Powers in Heaven, p. 258
By the time of
Irenaeus, a legend had developed that Marcion
had asked Polycarp for recognition as bishop only to be rebuffed by the words
“I recognize you – as the first-born of Satan!” The term “first-born of Satan”
has a Hebrew equivalent which seems to have had a similar and contemporary use
within Jewish exegesis – as a term of reproach for someone who did not follow the
accepted tradition of scriptural interpretation….Such common terminology
between Jewish and Christian communities is important to us because it points
to a relationship between them. We already have good evidence that such a
relationship existed, based on corresponding terminology and exegesis in the
rabbis and church fathers. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p. 234-235
A historical investigation reveals that the teachings of the
New Testament Jewish community are entirely in sync with existing Jewish
beliefs that the one, true God was manifested in multiple,
simultaneously-present, divine, hypostatic persons. For instance, in Christian
scripture, Jesus is understood as the incarnation of the Logos (Word) and, as
such, he is identified with Jewish terms that were used to refer to the
multiple, simultaneously-existing, hypostatic, personal manifestations of YHWH.
Segal explains that Philo used the Greek terms “kyrios” and “logos” both as
references to the divine manifestations of God and to God himself.
Yet sometimes Philo
uses kyrios and logos to refer to the two powers of God and other times to refer to
the logos and the highest God,
being-in-itself. – Alan F. Segal, Two
Powers in Heaven, p. 175
Earlier we read the following quote in which Segal notes
that the Greek word “kyrios” (meaning “Lord”) is equivalent to the use of
“Lord” in the Hebrew Bible as a substitute for the tetragrammaton (YHWH.) The Septuagint,
a Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible from the second century BC, uses
“kyrios” where God’s divine name (YHWH) occurs in the Hebrew text.
These are equivalent to the logos which as a second God can also be given the title “Lord.” (kyrios – YHWH). This doctrine, which allows that “place”
is a divine creature called Lord, cannot strike us as innocent, especially when
we know that “Lord” is synonymous with
the tetragrammaton… – Alan F. Segal, Two
Powers in Heaven, p. 162-163
Kyrios – The
reasoning here being, that at the time
the Septuagint was written, when reading out loud, Jews pronounced Adonai, the
Hebrew word for "Lord", when they encountered the name of God,
"YHWH", which was thus translated into Greek in each instance as
Kyrios. And the early Christians, as speakers of Greek, would have been deeply
familiar with the Septuagint. – wikipedia.org
Below Segal provides examples from New Testament passages
showing that the Jewish authors of those passages intended to identify Jesus
with these titles that pre-rabbinic and early rabbinic Judaism used to discuss
the hypostatic persons of the one, true God. Such New Testament passages show
that early Christians did not see Jesus as a separate being from God even
though they viewed Jesus as a distinct person or hypostasis within the Being of
God.
Rev. 19…Many
different images are jumbled together in this description. Divine warrior
imagery is prominent but the divine warrior has been identified with the
messiah (Ps. 2) and Jesus, based on the “son of man” tradition in Daniel.
Furthermore, many divine titles are applied to the figure: “true and faithful,”
“King of Kings,” “Lord of Lords” are all divine attributions in Judaism. Lastly
and more importantly, he has appropriated the ineffable name, which is
identical with “Word of God” (v. 13). On this basis, it seems safe to
consider that many Christians identified Christ with God’s principal angel, who
carried the divine name, because of his resurrection. – Alan F. Segal, Two Powers in Heaven, p. 213
In [John] 5:21,
relevant to the same issue, the gospel states that “…just as the father raises
the dead and grants life, so also the Son grants life to those whom he wishes,”
applying Dt. 32 to Jesus in the same way that the rabbinic community applied it
to God. In Jn. 8:58-59, Jesus appears to apply the divine name to himself,
after which the Jews take up stones against him, implying that he had
blasphemed the divine name or attempted to lead others astray…Jesus’ claim to
the divine title “I am” foreshadows the trial scenes where he seems guilty of
blaspheme. – Alan F. Segal, Two
Powers in Heaven, p. 216
The historical and biblical evidence documented by scholars
like Sommer and Segal demonstrates that the New Testament conception of God is
just one, fairly ordinary example of the Complex Monotheism displayed by
biblical, pre-rabbinic, and early-rabbinic Judaism.
Fluidity in
Christianity – It is immediately evident that the fluidity traditions from the
Hebrew Bible and the ancient Near East found expression in Christianity. The most obvious example of fluidity in
Christian thought is the notion of the trinity. For all the trouble that Jewish
and Muslim philosophers have had with this notion, the trinity emerges as a
fairly typical example of the fragmentation of a single deity into seemingly
distinct manifestations that do not quite undermine that deity’s coherence. –
Benjamin D. Sommer, The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel, p. 132-133
Given that the New Testament’s Trinitarian conception of God
is consistent with pre-rabbinic Judaism’s conception of God, it is no surprise
that Christians writers come to the same types of conclusions as their pre-Christian
Jewish counterparts when examining the same passages of the Hebrew Bible.
Earlier we examined quotes from Sommer explaining how Genesis 18-19’s account
of God’s visit to Abraham provides a clear display of the Complex Monotheistic
view of God.
Genesis 18, a J text,
provides one of the most revealing cases. At the outset of that chapter, we
read, “Yhwh manifested Himself to Abraham amidst the trees of Mamre while
Abraham was sitting at the entrance of his tent, at the heat of the day. He lifted up his eyes and saw three men coming toward him” (Genesis
18.1-2). The juxtaposition of
these two sentences (which are from a single Pentateuchal source) implies that Yhwh appears in the form of three men, or, at least in the form of one of the three
men. 8 Abraham, however, does
not realize that his visitors are not human. He directs his attention especially to one of these men, whom he addresses
in the singular, using the obsequious courtesy normal in the ancient Near East:
“My Lord, if you find me acceptable, please do not
pass by your servant” (18.3). All three men subsequently speak in 18.9; in 18.10 one visitor, still not identified
explicitly, predicts or promises to return months later, at which time Abraham
will have a son. Thus this visitor speaks prophetically, which is to say, in
God’s voice, though whether this is because the visitor is God or merely
represents God is not made clear. (The alternation between singular and plural
continues throughout this passage.) Finally,
in 18.13 the narrator stops being coy and simply refers to one of the visitors
as Yhwh. Two of the visitors leave, and the one who
remains with Abraham is now clearly identified as Yhwh (18.22); Abraham’s
knowledge is now parallel to the reader’s, for in the discussion that follows
it is clear that Abraham now knows who the remaining Visitor is. The other two
beings are subsequently refer to as angels (19.1) It is clear that Yhwh appears
in bodily form to Abraham in this passage; what is less clear is whether all three bodies were Yhwh’s throughout,
or whether all three were Yhwh’s at the outset of the chapter but only one of
them is by its end, or whether the other two were merely servants (perhaps
human, perhaps divine) who, for no clear reason, were accompanying Yhwh. In
any event, the being who certainly was Yhwh was less
than the deity’s full manifestation. The visitor was not recognizable as God to
Abraham at the outset, and he (He?) acts with a humility unbecoming a deity as
h/He stands waiting before Abraham (at least according to what even
traditionalist scholars regard as the original text of verse 22). Further, even though the visitor is clearly
identified as Yhwh by the middle of the chapter and
refers to God in the first person while speaking, h/He announces h/His
intention to “come down” from heaven to observe Sodom and Gomorrah in verse 21 – even though H/he is already
down on earth at this point. This visitor clearly is and is not identical with Yhwh; more precisely, He is Yhwh, but is not all of Yhwh or
the only manifestation of Yhwh; rather, He is an avatar, a “descent” of the
heavenly God who does not encompass all of that God’s substance. – Benjamin D.
Sommer, The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel, p. 40-41
Endnote 8: Most commentators avoid acknowledging this, but
as Greenstein, “God of Israel,” 57, points out, “Although most exegetes both classical and modern day shy away from
acknowledging that the Lord himself is one of Abraham’s three visitors, only
such a reading accounts for the repeated sudden addresses of God to Abraham
(e.g., vv. 13, 17, 20) and the fact that without assuming that the Lord is a
member of the trio, the third visitor disappears without a trace (while the two
travel to Sodom, cf. 18:16 and 19:1). Assume that God is one of the three, and
there are no gaping holes in the plot and the verses make sense in their
present sequence.” – Benjamin D. Sommer, The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel, p. 199
The quote below is a continuation of the quote we looked at
above from pages 132-133 of Sommer’s book, The
Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel. We have included the earlier
portion of this passage (which we quoted above) in order to show the contextual
and conceptual relationship provided by Sommer’s commentary. As we can see,
Sommer is discussing how the Christian interpretation of Genesis 18-19 fits
with the biblical author’s portrayal of the events recorded in that passage.
Sommer’s conclusion at the end of the quote below is important. He summarizes
that New Testament teaching about “The presence of God and God-as-Jesus on
earth is nothing more than a particular form of this old idea of multiple
embodiment, and hence no more offensive to a monotheistic theology than J and E
sections of the Pentateuch.”
Fluidity in
Christianity – It is immediately evident that the fluidity traditions from
the Hebrew Bible and the ancient Near East found
expression in Christianity. The most obvious example of fluidity in Christian
thought is the notion of the trinity. For all the trouble that Jewish and
Muslim philosophers have had with this notion, the trinity emerges as a fairly
typical example of the fragmentation of a single deity into seemingly distinct
manifestations that do not quite undermine that deity’s coherence. It is appropriate, then, that Christian
biblical commentators connect the trinity with Genesis 18, the story of the
three visitors who came to Abraham’s tend, because that passage presents a
banner example of the fluidity of Yhwh’s selfhood. The exegetical connection
between Genesis 18 and the trinity occurs among the Church Fathers in the
earliest centuries of Christianity, and it is found among commentators more
than a millennium later. Christian
commentators on this passage relate the doctrine of the trinity to precisely
those elements of Genesis 18 that I emphasized in my treatment of that chapter
in Chapter 2, where I read the story within the context of fluidity traditions
in the ancient Near East. I focused
attention there on the narrator’s coy refusal to be pinned down on the identity
of the visitors and to some extent on even the number of visitors with whom
Abraham spoke. Augustine, in his treatise on the trinity, emphasizes these
elements, too, as he presents his argument that “the episode [is] a visible
intimation by means of visible creation of the equality of the triad and the
single identity of the three persons….For
Augustine (and also for Luther), the three men are not literally the three
persons of the trinity (one of whom had not yet been born in human flesh in
any event), but the text’s wording is an
intimation of the idea that, where God is concerned, three can in fact be one.
One can summarize my reading of the same passage in very similar words: J’s
wording of Genesis 18 reflects the old ancient Near Eastern belief that where a
god is concerned, three, or two, or seven, or ten can be one. Classic language
of trinitarian theology, such as (one nature, three persons, or one substance,
three manifestations), applies perfectly well to examples of Yhwh’s
fluidity in the Hebrew Bible and to the fluidity traditions in Canaan and Mesopotamia. The
doctrine of the trinity crystallizes in post-New Testament literature, but the
New Testament itself also attests to the persistence of the fluidity model.
We have seen that ancient Near Eastern
texts are perfectly comfortable envisioning a deity as possessing a heavenly
body as well as several earthly ones; Yhwh could be at
home in a heavenly palace and at Zion
at one and the same time. That a deity came down did not mean that the deity
did not also remain up. The presence of God and God-as-Jesus on earth is
nothing more than a particular form of this old idea of multiple embodiment,
and hence no more offensive to a monotheistic theology than J and E sections of
the Pentateuch. – Benjamin D. Sommer, The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel, p. 132-133
Immediately after the remarks above, Sommer provides some
examples of New Testament teachings correspondent to Jewish traditions that we
have already become familiar with.
The New Testament
also gives evidence of fluidity of selfhood…Much the same can be said of the transfiguration (Mark 9.2-8,
Matthew 17.1-9, Luke 9.28-36). In this clear reflex of the old kabod
tradition, Jesus’ appearance suddenly changes, his face shines like the sun,
and his clothing becomes extraordinarily bright. (Significantly, Luke 9.30
mentions the glory specifically.) This
sort of fluidity differs from what we saw in the Hebrew Bible, where a small
aspect of Yhwh’s self manifested itself in a mal’akh, but not in a human being. It
also departs from the model we saw in Near Eastern texts, where one deity
overlapped with another deity or became an aspect of another deity. 48
Nonetheless, the model it presupposes –
that God’s self fundamentally differs from a human self, because God’s self can
do things that human selves cannot do – draws on the basic religious intuition
examined in Chapters 1 and 2. The
implications of these findings for a Jewish understanding of Christianity are
addressed in the next section. – Benjamin D. Sommer, The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel, p. 132-133
Below, Sommer provides some conclusions regarding the
relationship of New Testament conceptions of God with those offered by non-Christian
Judaism.
Christianity in Light
of Judaism’s Embodied God – This study forces a reevaluation of a common Jewish
attitude toward Christianity. Some Jews regard Christianity’s claim to be a
monotheistic religion with suspicion, both because of the doctrine of the
trinity (how can three equal one?) and because of Christianity’s core belief
that God took bodily form. 59 What I have attempted to point out here is
that biblical Israel knew very similar
doctrines, and these doctrines did not disappear from Judaism after the
biblical period…No Jew sensitive to Judaism’s own classical sources,
however, can fault the theological model Christianity employs when it avows
belief in a God who has an earthly body as well as a Holy Spirit and heavenly
manifestation, for that model, we have seen, is a perfectly Jewish one. A
religion whose scripture contains the fluidity traditions, whose teachings
emphasize the multiplicity of the shekhinah,
and whose thinkers speak of the sephirot
does not differ in its theological essentials from a religion that adores a
triune God. – Benjamin D. Sommer, The Bodies of God and the World of Ancient Israel, p. 135-136
We can see that the New Testament Christian movement was as
Jewish as any other Jewish sect. Consistent with Judaism at the time, the
Judeo-Christian movement was interested in the Messiah and his work in the
end-times. And like other Jewish groups, the Christian sect displayed the wider
Jewish belief in Complex Monotheism (one God who existed as more than one,
simultaneously-existing, divine person.) And like other Jewish sects,
Christianity did not teach that the persons of YHWH possessed independent
authority or acted in contradiction of one another, which was the
characteristic used by the rabbis to identify heresy. In the next
section we will continue to discuss these issues as we explore the uniqueness
and lack of uniqueness of New Testament teaching within the sphere of Judaism
prior to the close of the second century AD.